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Journal of Clinical Psychology and Cognitive Science

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Luis Morgan* and Anna Anderson
 
Editorial Office, Journal of Clinical Psychology and Cognitive Science, Windsor,Berkshire, England, Email: clinicalpsycology@emedicalscience.com
 
*Correspondence: Luis Morgan, Editorial Office, Journal of Clinical Psychology and Cognitive Science, Windsor,Berkshire, England, Email: clinicalpsycology@emedicalscience.com

Received: 06-May-2022, Manuscript No. puljcpcs-22-4448; Editor assigned: 08-May-2022, Pre QC No. puljcpcs-22-4448(PQ); Accepted Date: May 24, 2022; Reviewed: 18-May-2022 QC No. puljcpcs-22-4448(Q); Revised: 20-May-2022, Manuscript No. puljcpcs-22-4448(R); Published: 27-May-2022, DOI: 10.37532/puljcpcs.22.6(3).27-29

Citation: Mogan L, Anderson A. Behavioral indicators of suicide risk. J Clin Psychol Cogn Sci. 2022; 6(3):27-29.

This open-access article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License (CC BY-NC) (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/), which permits reuse, distribution and reproduction of the article, provided that the original work is properly cited and the reuse is restricted to noncommercial purposes. For commercial reuse, contact reprints@pulsus.com

Abstract

Suicide is a serious public health issue that affects people all around the world. Suicidal behaviour varies by gender, age group, geographic region, and sociopolitical context, and is associated with a variety of risk variables, implying aetiological heterogeneity. Although no effective algorithm for predicting suicide exists in clinical practise, better awareness and comprehension of clinical, psychological, sociological, and biological aspects may aid in the identification of high-risk people and therapy choices. Treatments for mental diseases that are psychotherapeutic, pharmacological, or neuromodulatory can often prevent suicidal conduct; also, regular follow-up by mental health services of people who attempt suicide is critical in preventing future suicidal behaviour.

Keywords

Suicide; Suicidal behavior; Psychopathology; Psychotherapeutic therapies

Introduction

Suicide has a devastating impact on global public health, with about 1 million individuals globally dying by suicide each year. The World Health Organization has proclaimed that reducing suicide-related mortality is a global priority, which is a welcome change from the stigma that has long surrounded suicidal behaviour. Patients' self-disclosure and doctors' routine enquiries about suicidal thoughts are hampered by cultural and moral ideas about suicide, as well as too gloomy views regarding suicide treatment and prevention. Suicidal behaviour ranges in severity, according to family studies that demonstrate a transition from mild to severe suicidal ideation and behaviour, as well as familial and biological research that show overlap between attempted and completed suicide [1].

Suicide rates vary significantly within and between countries, with variances of up to ten times between areas; this variation is linked to economic status and cultural differences. Because immigrants' suicide rates are more closely connected with their place of origin than with their adopted country, cultural impact may outweigh geographic location. Suicide rates among indigenous peoples are high, which may be due to disruption of traditional cultural and family supports, poorer socioeconomic level, and increased incidence of alcohol and substance use, all of which are risk factors for suicide in the broader population. Suicides are less common than nonfatal suicidal behaviours.

Suicide is more common among middle-aged and elderly males in high-income countries. However, suicide rates among young people are rising, and suicide is now the second greatest cause of death among those aged 15 to 29 [2]. Suicide ideas and behaviour are most common in teenagers and young adults. Suicide rates are also high among the elderly, particularly among those with physical illnesses, melancholy, and anxiety. Sex plays a role in suicidal behaviour, with women having higher rates of suicidal ideation and attempts; yet, men had higher rates of suicide deaths.

High-income countries have a larger ratio of male to female suicide deaths than low-to-middle-income countries, while Europe and the Americas have a higher ratio than Asia Pacific countries. The contributions of both social and individual elements to understanding suicide risk have been recognised over the last century. Several hypotheses have been developed, with the relationship between predisposing and precipitating factors being the most prominent. Depicts the possible temporal correlations between several suicide risk variables. Suicide has a wide range of reasons, with significant differences in the strength and patterns of risk factor associations across gender, age, culture, geographic region, and personal history. High-income countries have a larger ratio of male to female suicide deaths than low-to-middle-income countries, while Europe and the Americas have a higher ratio than Asia Pacific [3,4].

Suicide is uncommon in communities with great social cohesion, shared values, and moral objections to suicide, but the latter may contribute to underreporting. Economic downturns that result in job losses and lower personal income have been linked to an increase in suicide, particularly among men, however no direct causative link has been shown[5].

Suicide rates are also affected by media reporting of suicide, particularly within the first 30 days of publicity, with increases proportional to the amount of publicity, when details of a method are provided, if the decedent was a celebrity, and if the suicide was romanticised rather than repo impacts of media exposure [6].

Suicidal behaviour runs in families, imply that proximal variables can raise the likelihood of suicide. According to family research, relatives of persons who died by suicide have a higher chance of attempting suicide, and relatives of people who have attempted suicide have a higher risk of dying by suicide. Because adoption studies indicate concordance between biological, but not adopted relatives, these effects are unlikely to be caused by imitation. Suicidal behaviour appears to be transmitted through the transmission of impulsive aggressiveness, despite the fact that psychopathological diseases also aggregate in families.

Ideation appears to be transmitted in tandem with mood disorders, with a specific pattern of transmission originating from suicidal behaviour. Exposure to early-life adversity, which is commonly characterised as parental neglect or childhood physical, sexual, or emotional abuse, is another well-known risk factor. Evidence from prospective and retrospective longitudinal studies, as well as multiple case-control studies, supports the link between early-life adversity and lifetime suicide risk. The link is moderated by several factors, including the type of abuse (neglect, physical abuse, or sexual abuse), the frequency of the abuse, and the victim's relationship with the abuser.

Early-life hardship may also be passed down through families, explaining some of the familial clustering of suicide behaviour. Adversity in childhood may have long-term consequences due to epigenetic alterations in gene pathways [7]. The hypothalamic– pituitary–adrenal axis, primarily through cortisol regulation, regulates physiological responses to stress to aid in coping with changing surroundings or demanding situations.

Early-life adversity leads to a hyperactive hypothalamic–pituitary– adrenal axis and an elevated stress response. Early-life adversity also leads to cognitive deficiencies, particularly in problem-solving and memory specificity, which can lead to suicidality.

Distal influences are most likely mediated by personality traits and cognitive styles, which mediate their link to suicidal behaviour. Interpersonal conflict, impulsive aggression, conduct disorder, antisocial behaviour, and alcohol and substance misuse are more salient for suicidal behaviour in adolescents and young adults, whereas harm avoidance and mood disorders become more common with increasing age, according to both retrospective and prospective studies [8].

Young people who commit suicide generally have a history of childhood abuse or neglect, as well as a high weight of adversity. When a mood disorder associated with suicide thoughts co-occurs with other conditions that either increase discomfort (panic disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder) or diminish restraint (panic disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder), the risk of suicidal behaviour is highest over the lifespan (conduct and antisocial disorders, substance misuse) [9]. The development of high impulsive-aggressive behaviours and high anxiety traits may also explain a portion of the familial aggregation of suicidal behaviour, and these traits may explain part of the relationship between early-life adversity and suicide risk.

Suicidal behaviours are temporally connected with proximal risk variables, which act as precipitants. Psychopathology is the most important predictor of suicide, aside from previous suicide attempts, and is highly linked to other forms of suicidal behavior [10].

Conclusion

Psychotherapeutic therapies for recurrent suicidal behavior have been found to be effective. The most effective treatments for suicidal behaviour include the use of exploratory interventions to understand the behaviour and interventions to encourage positive, as well as discourage negative, behaviour; explicitly focusing on suicidal behaviour; having the therapist adopt an active attitude toward treatment, including problem-solving; planning for coping with suicidal urges; and focusing on emotional and cognitive precursors of suicidal behaviour.

Greater awareness of the risk of suicidal behaviour, continuous advancements in public health policies, and fundamental and translational research all have the potential to help reduce worldwide suicide rates in the future.

REFERENCES

 
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Citations : 11

Journal of Clinical Psychology and Cognitive Science received 11 citations as per Google Scholar report

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